The Madeira Islands

Madeira Island is one of the four volcanic islands of the Madeiran Archipelago, found 360 miles west of Casablanca, Morocco and 600 miles southwest of Portugal in the Atlantic Ocean. The other three islands are Porto Santo, Desertas, and Selvagans. Only Madeira and Porto Santo are inhabited, the others are piles of rock and only visited by fishermen. Madeira is the largest measuring 40 miles long and 14 miles wide. Porto Santo is 8 miles long and 4 miles wide. Our ancestors came from the villages of Machico, Santo de Serra, and Santa Cruz - all located on or near the southeastern coastline. Funchal is the capital city with a population of 150,000 - over half of the entire population of the island.

Madeira is mountainous and heavily wooded - hence its name which means wood. Its highest peak is Pico Ruivo at 6015 feet. The interior and western and northern coasts are rugged mountainous areas. Consequently, most of the agriculture, industry, and population are located along the eastern and southern coasts. Madeira’s main industries are fishing, agriculture, winemaking, hand embroidery, and wicker works. The rich lava soil along with a mild and a constant temperature (60s and 70s oF) year round and gentle rains combine to allow the fruits, vegetables, and flowers to grow in abundance, even though the island is limited. Plots are small and usually terraced up the mountainside. Consequently, most farming is still done by hand as there is not enough space for horses or tractors.

While visiting in Madeira, I also found out just how limited land was. We visited the cemeteries at Santo de Serra and Santa Cruz and found that the dead are buried the second day after death, are not embalmed, and are not put in vaults. The bodies rapidly decay and every 15 years the graves are opened and a new body is placed in the same grave. There simply is not enough land to have large cemeteries. Though it is difficult, some of the wealthy are allowed private tombs. Therefore, I did not find any tombstones of our relatives. I did find the family names on markers of more recent graves, such as Correia, Baptiste, Nunes, and Fernandes.

While in Madeira, we visited a beautiful museum, called Quinta das Cruces. The property on which the museum and gardens is located was once the property of a Lomelino family. The museum had a wonderful collection of paintings, silver, and furniture from all over the world. Then, much to my surprise and pleasure, there in the dining room hung a very large portrait of Nuno Freitas Lomelino. Though I have not been able to establish his relationship to our family, I am convinced he is a relative. He looked just like Uncle Orville (see photo. The grounds and gardens were beautiful with a large orchid garden area. The present museum is said to have been built on the foundation of the original home of Zarco, one of the discoverers of the island.

We also visited Pahleiro Ferreira Gardens - a lovely home with beautiful gardens and again the name Ferreira - which was the name used as a second name for all of the Lomelinos until my fathers generation.

We found the following to be a true description of Madeira - "An island of green mountains and flowers, of sun, of happiness and hospitality, an island of beauty, an island of peace. "

The Discovery of the Island of Madeira

As recorded by Oren C. Baptista in his book, “The Baptista Megafamily - Ten Centuries in Europe and America"

Tristao Vaz and Joao Goncalves (Zarco)

Battle of Ceuta

The tribes known as the Moors were of the Muslim religion and lived in the countries on the south side of the Mediterranean Sea in the 8th Century. Their armies invaded southern Europe many times and controlled parts of Spain and Portugal for centuries. The pressure against them by Christian armies was relentless and gradually forced them southward toward Gibralter, from whence they had come. By 1415, they had been driven from much of Europe, but they were still a continuous threat.

Prince Henry, son of King Joao I of Portugal, persuaded his father to undertake an expedition to engage the Moors on their home soil, defeat them, and ensure that they would no longer be a threat to the security of the territory and religious faith of southern Europe.

The armed forces of Prince Henry defeated the Moors at Ceuta, Morocco, in August 1415. The prince later knighted two young men who had rallied the troops when they faltered and who had led a successful charge that breached the walls of the fortified city. These two men were Tristao Vaz and Joao Goncalves. Joao Goncalves was nicknamed Zarco" because of his intensely blue eyes. He and Tristao were lifetime companions - everything they did they did together. . .

Prince H Tri V i Joao G | i Porto S Prince Henry was pleased with what he had accomplished at Ceuta, although he and his father knew that this fruitful enterprise should have been conceived and executed by Duarte, Joaos oldest son and the future king. Duarte was important to Madeira because he was king during the time the early settlers on Madeira were toiling to subdue the wilderness and transform it into a thriving civilization.

Henry felt Portugal was secure after the Moors' defeat at Ceuta. With Portugal secure, he was free to try to expand his young and poor country and have it a recognized power in Europe. Portugal was completely surrounded by powerful neighbors and the Atlantic Ocean. Henry looked to the ocean for expansion opportunities. .

The west coast of Africa was a land unknown to the people of Europe at the beginning of the 15th century. Genovese and other sailors had explored the coast south of Gibralter, but they had not gone far. Some of them sailed blithely southward, never to be seen again.

And so it happened that one day in 1418, Tristao Vaz Teixeira and Joao Goncalves (Zarco) sailed past Gibralter and continued southward; Their barca was a small, round bottomed vessel with two main masts and a mizzen. This ship had been developed by the Genovese and other mariners of the Mediterranean. It was an improvement over the galley, but not as good as the caravel, which Christopher Columbus used in 1492.

The barca served its purpose well in the Mediterranean where the sea was relatively calm and a shalloW-drafivessel was needed for the shallow harbors. But it was not suited for exploring the Atlantic with its long distances, deep water, strong winds, and high waves.

Fair weather and gentle following winds treated Tristao and Zarco kindly as the sailed cautiously southward. They kept the coast of always in view and usually had a safe harbor in mind in case of a storm.

When the storms came, the safe harbors were upwind, and a barca cannot sail into a strong wind. Tristao and Zarco became apprehensive when they saw a brown cloud forming over the desert. They grew fearfull when the Cloud engulfed them with biting sand and strong winds, Worst ‘of all, the wind was blowing off shore. They did not know it, but they had been trapped by the Sirocco.

The Sirocco is a oppressive wind that blows from the deserts of west Africa to far out into the Atlantic, similar to the Santa Ana that wreaks havoc in California.

Tristao and Zarco fought valiantly to keep the ship from swamping in the high seas. Only by unfurling all the sails and allowing the wind to blow them with bare poles seaward were they able to keep some control of the barca.

From Casablanca to Porto Santo is 360 miles.  The Scirocco blew the barca relentlessly for about two days and nights.  During the second night, when all seemed lost, the wind suddenly abated and the seas grew strangely calm.  Tristao and Zarco said a prayer of thanksgiving. Then, with prayer and hope, they dropped anchor. They said another prayer of thanksgiving when the anchor found bottom and held secure.

They could see with the coming of dawn that they had been saved by being blown into the lee of an island. It was not a large island fortunately, it had a mountain in the middle — a .. mountain high enough to break the force of the Sirocco.

Tristao and Zarco swam ashore with two flags.  They planted the flag of Christianity, although there were no people there to convert. They also planted the flag of Portugal and claimed the land in the name of King Joao I and and their sponsor, Prince Henry. They named the island Porto Santo, "Port of the Saints". Then they happily set sail for home, their mission accomplished. The first link in a chain of discoveries that would establish the Portuguese Overseas Empire.

Of course, Prince Henry was happy that his first venture had been successful.  Porto Santo was not a great prize. It was a tiny island, but it had great strategic importance because it would make a good place at which to supply ships for further explorations down the coast. Prince Henry knew that the place would be claimed by England or Spain and used as a pirates' base if he did not quickly make it a part of Portugal.

Tristao, Zarco and Bartholomew Perestrello were passengers on the first ship sent to colonize Porto Santo. Bartholomew had been named the first governor by Prince Henry. Tristan and Zarco were a necessary part of the cargo because only they knew how to find the small island in the vast ocean. They did not return to Lisbon on the empty ship, and history does not explain why.

Discovery of Madeira

The colonizing ship unloaded at Porto Santo and then set sail for home, leaving Tristao and Zarco shorebound, lonesome sailors. They did not remain sailors without a ship for long. They let the others cultivate the land and plant the crops. They went up into the mountains, cut some big trees, sawed the trees into lumber, and used the lumber to make themselves a ship. Actually, it was not much of a ship - a better description would be a row boat with a sail.

They had their first voyage planned even before they made their "ship". They had noticed a big cloud had formed over the ocean toward the southwest every but disappeared at night. They knew from experience that such clouds often form over an island, and they wanted to go and investigate.

They did not have to sail far, for Madeira is only 27 miles from Porto Santo. They came first to a long point of high, black rocks with waves crashing on one side, Point Laurenzo. They proceeded until they found a small harbor with a rocky beach, Machico.‘ They landed on the rocky shelf at the northern end of the beach. The island was big, timber-covered, and uninhabited; it looked much better for agriculture than Porto Santo. They claimed the island for Prince Henry, returned to Porto Santo, and when their supply Ship arrived, to Portugal.

Prince Henry was delighted that another, larger island had been found. This time he rewarded Tristao and Zarco as he had not when he left them stranded on Porto Santo. He gave Tristao the title "Captain of the Jurisdiction of Machico" and appointed him governor eastern Madeira. Tristao's statue stands today in Machico. Prince Henry rewarded Tristao and Zarco equally. He made Zarco governor of western Madeira, with headquarters at Funchal.  Zarco's statue stands today in the busiest intersection of downtown Funchal.

This ends the story of the two islands - both of which were of great importance to the nople of Europe, who were on the march toward broader horizons.

THE STORY OF THE PORTUGUESE EXILES AND THEIR PERSECUTION IN MADEIRA

As told by George Rawlings Poage in the 150th Anniversary Edition of the Jacksonville Journal Courier Newspaper October 21, 1981

One of the most interesting passages in the history of Jacksonville, Illinois is the romantic story of the settlement of the "Portuguese Exiles". Although it excited much interest at the time, outside the immediate vicinity its very existence is all but unknown. Yet it is a unique episode in the history of Portuguese immigration to the United States and brings down into the middle of the 19th century conditions which we are accustomed to regard as belonging to the 17th century. For these "Exiles of Madeira" were exiles for conscience's sake, and the vicissitudes show in more respects than one a striking parallel to those of the Pilgrim Fathers of Plymouth.

The story begins some 11 years before the "Portuguese Exiles" came to Illinois. In 1838, Robert Reid Kalley, a scotsman of some 29 years, started under a commission from the Free Church of Scotland for a mission field in China. Before the voyage was well under way, his wife, who accompanied him, fell seriously ill, so that they decided to land at the first port touched by their vessel. This happened to be Funchal, on the island of Madeira.

The zealous missionary appears to have accepted this occurrence as a direct manifestation of Providence. Although he had no commission to work there, and indeed his church had no mission in that field, he determined to make Madeira the scene of his labors. He was a man of considerable means, and who was able, if he chose, to carry on an independent enterprise. Within a few hours of his landing he had formed his resolve and had begun to seek a practical knowledge of the Portuguese language.

His wealth and preparation enabled him to organize his work upon what has always proved the most effective of missionary approaches, that of the physician. He opened a free hospital and dispensary in Funchal, thus gaining a strong hold upon the people. The native physicians were lacking in skill, so that Dr. Kalley's cures gained him wide reputation. Although his enterprise was primarily one of charity, even the well-to-do sought his services.

From the very beginning, however, Dr. Kalley kept in mind his real object, most cleverly contriving to impart his spiritual message to those who sought him for healing of their bodies. He required that all who wished to consult him should assemble at his office by nine o'clock in the morning. Then, before proceeding to the work at hand, he would read a chapter from the Bible, deliver a brief discourse, and offer a prayer with special reference to the work of healing in which he was about to be engaged. When visiting patients in their homes, he also improved the occasion in a similar manner.

He soon extended his efforts in another direction. He found the people largely illiterate and unable to read the Scriptures. He had very early opened a school for the teaching of English in order to facilitate his own acquisition of Portuguese. This led to the establishment of other schools throughout the island. His ample means enabled Dr. Kalley to bear all the expense of teacher's salaries and textbooks and to offer the Madeirenses the first free education they had ever enjoyed. Some of the sessions were held in the evening, working hours, in order that adults might take advantage of the opportunity. The islanders responded eagerly. Within a short period of time no less than eight hundred adults were taught in these schools, besides the children. In all, at one time or another, some 2,500 were enrolled. The municipal authorities of Funchal formally voted Dr. Kalley their thanks for "his disinterested" acts of benevolence and philanthropy in the establishment of free schools, hospitals, and dispensaries in different parts of Madeira.

Thus for some time Dr. Kalley not only encountered no opposition, but enjoyed the highest popularity. Yet he was following practices which sooner or later were bound to bring him in collision with the ecclesiastical authorities. The first book which he taught the people to read in English was the Bible. Soon he began to circulate a Portuguese Bible, a supply of which he had obtained from Scotland. This was a translation made long since by a priest, Antonio Pereira, and sanctioned by the Queen and the Patriarch of Portugal. Some 80 copies had previously been sent to Madeira from Lisbon for the use of clergy.

Not content with teaching the Madeirenses to read and placing the Bible in their hands, Dr. Kalley also instructed them in its meaning. These instructions of a Scotch Calvinist naturally produced some mental difficulties among these simple folk who previously had heard only the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church. Quite naturally, some of them went to the priests with their difficulties, and the inevitable troubles began. It appears, however, that a forcible repression was attempted only after Dr. Kalley had for some time been holding regular religious services for the islanders and after open conversions had been made.

In 1840, the Bishop expressed a wish to see a copy of the Bible that was being put into the hands of his people. One was gladly sent to him. On the 21St of May he placed it in the hands of three canons of the cathedral of Funchal, and appointed them, as a commission, to examine it, and to report to him, as to its correctness or incorrectness. Two years and four months afterwards he published a pastoral, wherein he stated what the Commission had reported "that there was scarcely a verse or chapter either in the New Testament or the Old Testament which had not more or less notably been adulterated, and he added that he excommunicated ipso facto all who should read those Bibles."

Dr. Kalley at once made a verse-by-verse comparison of the Edinburgh and Lisbon ' alitions of the Gospel of Matthew and found them identical. This led to a controversy between him and the Commissioners, in which he continued the comparison until upward of 5,000 verses were covered, and he posted certified statements of the results in the streets. Some two months after episcopal denunciation, an order arrived from Lisbon giving the Bibles the approval of the Queen and the archbishop, but the anathema of the bishop was not removed.

As early as 1842, regular religious services for Madeirenses were held in various places. These were usually open air conventicles, often on the mountain sides. The missionary would preach; or if he were unable to be present, one of the converts would read portions of the Scriptures. A few hymns were sung to such good old tunes as the Portuguese Hymn and Old Hundred. For several months there were not fewer than one thousand people attending these meetings in the open air, every Sabbath. Often there were two or three thousand, and once they were reckoned at five thousand.

There already existed in Funchal a little Scottish church for the worship of the British residents of the island. This church and the free exercise of their religion were guaranteed to them by treaty between those ancient allies, Great Britain and Portugal. In 1843, a new minister came out from Scotland to take charge of this church. To him, as he was about to administer the Lords Supper on the Sabbath, came two Portuguese converts, Nicolao Tolentino Vieira (he was the brother-in-law to Manuel Ferreira Lomelino, son of our great great uncle and godfather to Leocadia do Espirito Santo E Vieira, wife of Manuel) and Francisco Pires Soares, requesting permission to partake of the communion. Dr. Kalley warned them of their peril, but they persisted; and after examination by the Protestant ministers, they were admitted. Four days later they were brought before the magistrates and charged with apostasy. They were discharged by the court but were excommunicated on the following Sabbath. An attempt was made again to arrest them, but they were hidden by friends and continued hiding for six months. At that time orders arrived from Lisbon putting a stop to the persecution.

The arrest of Vieira and Soares was the beginning of a persecution whose thrilling episodes do not come within the scope of this study. The ecclesiastical authorities, as might have been expected, struck first at the schools, which they attempted to suppress. The representative of the bishop also denounced the reading of the Bibles distributed by Dr. Kalley, stigmatizing it as a book of Hell. In spite of the royal approval of the Bible, its readers were denounced to the priests and arrested in large numbers. They were often detained in prison for months, only to be acquitted when finally brought to trial.

With the apparent collusion of the authorities, mob violence ensued, directed especially against Nicoloa Vieira, who was now teaching a school at his own home. Vieira was forced to flee to the mountains, and his family and pupils were arrested. After terrible hardships, he himself escaped to Demerara, where he eventually rejoined his family when they stopped en route to Trinidad.

One woman, Mrs. Maria Joaquina Alves, was brought to trial for denying the real presence and other tenets of the Roman Catholic Church. Although she was arrested January 31, 1843, she was brought to trial only on May 2, 1844, when she was condemned to death for blasphemy, heresy, and apostasy. The English group interested in Dr. Kalley’s work petitioned the queen of Portugal in her behalf, and an appeal was taken to the Court of Relacao at Lisbon. The decision of this court did not reach Funchal until April 1845, Mrs. Alves meanwhile remaining in prison at her own charges. On a technicality, the sentence of death was commuted to imprisonment for three months, with of $6.00. After the expiration of her sentence, she was detained in prison to meet this fine and the costs of her prosecution and imprisonment, finally being released in June,

At length Dr. Kalley was himself arrested under an obsolete law of the Inquisition, enacted in 1603. Despite his insistence that the law contravened both the existing constitution of Portugal and the treaty between that country and Great Britain, Dr. Kalley was convicted and imprisoned for five months. The terms on which Dr. Kalley’s release was secured cannot be definitely ascertained, although there are suggestions sufficient to justify conjecture. Shortly after his release, he left the island for a visit in Scotland, stopping in Lisbon enroute. There are intimations that he was constrained by the Court of Relacao to give some kind of pledge not to engage in religious propaganda at Madeira. It appears that some question arose subsequently as to Dr. Kalleys observance of these limitations, which he considered to be unwarranted and unjust. On this account it is emphatically and categorically asserted that Dr. Kalley had no connection with the ensuing phase of missionary activity in Madeira, which seems to have transpired during his absence

These developments were due to the missionary zeal of William Hepburn Hewitson, acting under a commission from the Free Church of Scotland. Hewitson was a brilliant scholar who had wrecked his health by over application to study. Resolving to devote his remaining energies to missionary enterprise, a field was sought where he might have some chance to regain his health. Southern France and Malta had been under consideration, when Madeira was suggested. The idea pleased him. On October 15, 1844, he wrote: "It is, I understand most desirable, at present, that a minister should be sent out to Madeira to acquire the Portuguese language, with a view to preaching the gospel to the poor Portuguese in the island. During the year which would be spent in doing nothing but acquiring the language, my health might be so far recruited, by the blessing of God on the change of air, as to enable me afterwards to labour in that part of the vineyard." On November 6 he was ordained by the Presbytery of Edinburgh, of the Free Church of Scotland, as a preliminary to his dispatch to Portugal as a missionary. Accordingly, he proceeded to Lisbon, where he spent two months. There he met Dr. Kalley who was on his way back to Scotland.

It is said that Dr. Kalley was not even aware of his intended mission to the island till after Hewitsons departure from England. They first met accidentally in Lisbon. This meeting took place upon Dr. Kalley’s arrival from Madeira, January 28, 1845. That very day a message also arrived from Scotland giving consent to the Colonial Committee of the Free Church of Scotland that Hewitson should go immediately to Madeira. It is impossible not to see some connection between Dr. Kalley’s withdrawal from the island, and this action of the Colonial Committee, which apparently had been detaining the eager Hewitson at : Lisbon.

Hewitson at once proceeded to Madeira. As yet, no Church had been organized among the converts. Indeed, only 25 or 30 had so openly renounced the church of their childhood. Hewitson lived in the house of Mr. Wood, an English clergyman, where he had a room for meetings. His labors prospered so that by May he was contemplating the organization of a church of the Madeirenses. He put his motives on record. "The time may not be far distant," he writes " when I shall be obliged to leave Madeira by the strong arm of persecution, and it would be a great comfort to the afflicted church here, amidst their privations, to have the prospect of so soon receiving the ordinances at the hands of their own number. "

The organization of the church was actually accomplished on May 12, 1845, with Hewitson as minister and moderator of the session. The first session was composed of Arsenio Nicos da Silva, Joao de Gouveia and Manuel J. de Andrade. The first deacons were Antonio de Mattos, Antonio Correa, Jose Marques, Joaquin Vieira, Manual Pires, and Martinho Vieira.--(Several of these are undoubtedly relatives but haven't been able to make the connection.) Of these Arsenio Nicos de Silva and Antonio Mattos subsequently became pastors of the church in Trinidad and Jacksonville. It is claimed that this was the first Protestant Church of Portuguese ever organized and that its direct successor today, a series of reorganizations, schisms and reunions, is the Northminister Presbyterian Church of Jacksonville.

The organization of the church was effected under lowering skies. On the very day of its accomplishment, Mr. Hewitson wrote: "The horizon is becoming more and more cloudy. Two or three days ago at a dinner party, the Bishop of Madeira declared exterminating war against the Bible. He said that he had all the authorities on his side, and he resolved to put down all dissent from the Roman Catholic Church."

Hewitson found that Wood's house was too small; so he rented another with a garden on each side where the people might not be so closely watched by the police. The Madeirenses, however, were quite reckless, seemingly careless of their danger. The officials were now seeking cause for the arrest of the missionary. The English treaty protected him against outrageous attack, but out of prudence he discontinued his meetings for a few weeks. Then he was warned by the police to discontinue them under threat of arrest; so he cautiously held them at night. Of one of these he writes: "This night we are at eight o'clock to keep the feast in secret, with closed doors and windows, in our dining room with this poor and persecuted little flock of Christ. The service if discovered will send his dear servant to prison, but the Lord is his keeper."

Then Hewitson fell ill. He retired to a country village for a rest but grew worst. He was brought to Funchal in a hammock. For six weeks he was unable to attend the services of the little Scottish church. He thought it unwise to resume the public service until Dr. Kalley should return from Scotland, but he organized a class for the instruction of the converts and then sent them out to hold meetings from house-to-house.

For over a year the persecution had been raging. Hewitson was in daily‘ expectation of being arrested. Dr. Kalley's return was signalized by Hewitson's being forbidden to preach or teach. His arrest was indeed sought, but the judge, who was the son-in-law of Arsenio Nicos de Silva, declined to issue the order on the ground that his authority did not extend over the Portuguese in their houses. The bishop departed for Lisbon to seek aid, vowing, it is said, never to return until Dr. Kalley should be driven from Madeira. were clearly approaching a crisis.

Under these circumstances, it seemed best that Hewitson should retire from the scene for awhile. He was, however, determined to complete the course of study he had marked out for his class; and to this end he redoubled his efforts.- In three weeks there were 87 open conversions among the Portuguese. Then in May 1846, a little over a year his arrival, he Madeira with the intention of returning in a few months. When he saw his flock again, it was far away in Trinidad.

The excitement caused by Dr. Kalley‘s return and the feverish parting labors of Hewitson was increased in June by the release of a number of the converts who had been in prison for months. It became evident that legal measures would not suffice for the suppression of the heresy. As early as 1843, the Imparcial, a newspaper edited by the brother-in-law of the civil governor at that time, openly recommended the cudgel, as the best means of convincing the country people of the truth of their religion, because they were not accustomed to arguments, but could understand the power of the stick. The gallows and the stake were also at another time recommended as the only cure for heresy; and its columns were constantly filled with attacks on Dr. Kalley’s followers. In 1845, these attacks had been compiled and published as a pamphlet under. the title, "An/Historical Review of the Anti-Catholic Proselytism carried on by Dr. Kalley in Madeira since October, 1838." This was published by subscription, and copies of it were carried to Lisbon by the bishop. Dr. Kalley wrote a reply to this pamphlet which was printed in Lisbon and circulated there and in Madeira in July 1846‘ This open controversy seems to have been the match which touched off the explosion.

The first violent outburst occurred on Sunday, August 2, 1846. Two English ladies, the Misses Rutherford, resided on the island and sympathized with Dr. Kalley's work. On the date mentioned, they allowed a group of the Madeirenses the use of a room in their house. There some 30 or 50 assembled, under the leadership of Arsenio Nicos da Silva, to hold a prayer meeting and to read a letter which had come from Hewitson. News of the meeting spread, and a mob gathered without. The leading spirit was one of the canons of the cathedral named Conego Telles de Menezes.

When the meeting ended, about half past twelve, da Silva and three others broke through the mob and escaped, though not without indignity and rough treatment. The rest, for the most part women, were compelled to remain. During the afiernoon, Dr. Kalley came and went, calling professionally on one of the ladies who was an invalid. He was affronted at the gate and his groom beaten. Later, another Englishman, Captain Tate, to whom we owe the detailed account of the riots, came to the house and remained throughout the night.

The police had been about all day without making any attempt to disperse the mob. At sunset, however, they were withdrawn. About eleven oclock, the mob invaded the grounds and prepared to attack the house. To the remonstrances of the inmates the paid no heed, declaring that they did not care for the English consul, that there was no law for "calvinists" and that they could appeal to the governor.

After further parley, the house was broken into. The Madeireneses had been secreted in its most remote parts. The mob was hesitant and dilatory in its search. At last, however, the victims were found and amid blows and threats were dragged into the garden. At this stage, when the murder of the converts seemed imminent, the proceedings were interrupted by the tardy arrival of the police and soldiery. The mob was quickly dispersed and the frightened converts escorted to their homes.

This, however, did not end the mob violence. Threats and demonstrations continued throughout the following week. Another outbreak should have been expected on the following Sunday, for it was the great religious festival of the island, when the fanaticism would be at its height. The Misses Rutherford appealed to the British consul. He, however, did not sympathize with Dr. Kalley and his friends and refused to interfere, referring them to the police department. The authorities demanded a promise that the ladies would permit no more meetings in their house. They refused to give such a promise in unequivocal terms and so received no assurance of protection.

Dr. Kalley, meanwhile, had been carrying on a heated correspondence with the magistrate, the governor and the consul both on the Misses Rutherfords account and his own. The threats continued and grew more fierce. The mob was watching Dr. Kalleys house and subjecting all who came and went to insult and abuse. On August , Dr. Kalley received an anonymous letter detailing the plans of the riot which took place on the following day. This letter, also, he dispatched to the consul without apparent effect.

On the next day, August , 1846, the great riot occurred. The native converts as well as Br. Kalley were subjected to attack. The Madeireneses fled to the mountains. Dr. Kalleys family first took refuge at the British consulate and later fled on board one of the British ships lying in the harbor of Funchal. After various movements and several narrow escapes, Dr. Kalley himself was finally carried on ship-board disguised as a female invalid. His house and valuable library were burned. The consulate itself was besieged and threatened with destruction. In the evening, he came down to the shore with some of the leaders of the mob and requested Dr. Kalley to show himself on the deck, in order that the fury of the mob might be appeased and order restored. This Dr. Kalley did, although he regarded the request as an insult.

On the next day the Misses Rutherford, Captain Tate, and other English residents who were identified with Dr. Kalley, in all three men and ten women also took refuge on board flight.

It is plain that the consul and others of the English residents disapproved of the course taken by Dr. Kalley and his friends and resented the anti-English feeling it had aroused. The British press commented with great severity on the conduct of the consul, but he appears to have received no official reprimand. Although he had gone out to his country estate in the morning, and so had not received an application which was made to place Dr. Kalley's house under direct protection of the British flag, he returned in the midst of the riot and urged the governor to use the troops to disperse the mob which was about to destroy British property. Dr. Kalley's family was sheltered in the consulate, and the consul's servant gave great assistance in Dr. Kalley's escape to the ship. All accounts of the not are based on the narrative of Captain Tate, who was violently indignant at the consul's conduct. Even his exparte testimony, however, presents these ameliorating circumstances. The consul's attitude appears to have been that Dr. Kalley and his fiiends had produced such strong and general feeling as only their departure from the island could allay. Since they would neither change their course, which they held perfectly legal, nor withdraw voluntarily, mob violence was inevitable; and he seems to have sought, therefore, not so much to prevent the riot, as to prevent, so far as possible, the destruction of British property and life.

The conduct of the civil authorities was indeed culpable, and in marked contrast to that of the military commandant, who earnestly sought permission to disperse the mob with his troops. The British ambassador at Lisbon at once entered a protest, and the queen of Portugal was constrained to send a royal commission of investigators to Madeira. This commission came and made their investigations. In their view, the conduct of the government at Madeira was so unjustifiable that they requested the administration to resign. They all resigned except the administrado do conceal.

His dismission was immediately sent from Portugal. A new governor was appointed at Madeira. In this change there was a show of disapprobation on the part of the queen against those who had encouraged and sanctioned this persecution by their silence and inaction. Whether this change was made by the queen with a conviction of wrong doing on the part of the authorities at Madeira or whether it was efi'ected through fear of British cannon may be a question. :

There was also the external form of a trial of some of those who had been the most savage in this persecution. The result of this appearance of justice was the acquittal of all the n'oters. Even those who were arrested, in the very act of murdering Bible readers, were acquitted. When the evidence of their guilt was too obvious to be denied, no penalty was inflicted. The leaders of the mob, such as Canon Telles, were not subjected even to the form of trial.

The painfial conclusion to which we are driven by these facts is, that the civil government and the courts of justice connived at these enormous crimes, and that the whole form of trial was a solemn mockery or a farce.

From this it would appear, as it does from other incidents, that the feeling against the "Calvinists" was quite general among the populace, although Captain Tate charges that the rioters were hired from a fund raised by subscription. Later, the British government demanded and obtained full indemnity for Dr. Kalley's pecuniary losses.

During the week of August 2-9, the mob also turned its fury against the native converts.

The violence continned until they had no recourse but flight. On the evening of the 5th many houses were plundered by bands of marauding ruffians, and sixty or eighty of the converts were compelled to leave their homes and pass the night in the mountains. Night night these bands continued to repeat their desolating work...till, on the Sunday, many hundreds of Portuguese subjects had fled for their lives. The mob had broken open their doors, and destroyed their windows, fiimiture, and other property; trampling under foot the grapes and corn of those who possessed vineyards and gardens. When the work of destruction was done in the town and neighborhood, the ruthless persecutor followed the scattered flock to the mountains.

The fiJgitives soon heard that the ship "William of Glasgow" had received Dr. Kalley and their other English friends; and there the persecuted Madeirenses also sought refiige. By

night of the 10‘“, several of them had reached the ship. From night to night they flocked on board the "William" until she had received all the ship could accommodate. During the

two weeks from the to the 23“, two British war ships lying alongside the "William of Glasgow" kept firing their guns at intervals to show the people, as the captains remarked, "that afloat, at least, the English could and would protect themselves." The sound of these guns gave great encouragement to the fiigitives among the mountains, some of whom wandered for 13 days before finding safety on the "William".

Another demonstration was planned for the 16‘“, but the military officers sent word to the governor, whom they accused of conniving in the dots, that they would quell any further disturbance independently of the civil authorities. This was sufficient to end mob violence in Funchal. The rioters contented themselves with rowing around the "William of Glasgow" in boats, singing songs against the "Calvinistas" and otherwise insulting them and their English fiiends. All that day also, inspite of a consular reprimand, the warships continued at intervals to fire their guns for the encouragement of the fugitives.

Dr. Kalley had originally taken refilge on the "Forth"; but the "William of Glasgow" had come by arrangement with the planters of Trinidad, who were greatly in need of laborers. Thus the Madeirenses were able to comply with the demand of their enemies that they should become exiles from their homes. It was necessary, however, to arrange for their passports. The authorities were by this time so anxious to allay the storm that they facilitated their emigration by waiving the requirements of personal applications and certificates of church attendance.

Some made efforts to sell their property, when they were about to leave, that they might have some means for their voyage. But no one would buy only at an immense sacrifice. One man whose property was worth $1,500 sold it for $100. Those who had large and valuable property could not sell at all. Those who had small possessions, worth $400 or $500 could get nothing for them.

When all arrangements had at length been made, on Sunday, August 23, 1846, the "William of Glasgow" loosed her sails and began her voyage to Trinidad. Dr. Kalley and the other English refugees also departed from the island. Among 211 passengers of the "William" was one Roman Catholic family, abjectly poor, bound also for Trinidad. This family was treated by the exiles with the greatest kindness. Soon after this, the "Lord Seaton" took about the same number to the West Indies. Besides these 400 souls, others fled to the various vessels, and sailed for the West India Islands. About 100 landed at Demerara. and about the same number fled to St. Vincent, and also to St. Kitts. Between 600 and 700 went to Trinidad, while others landed at other islands. When the "William of Glasgow" touched at Demerara, the exiles were joined by Nieolao Vieira. who went on with them to Trinidad. In all, 1000 or 1200 went into exile.

In time, they were also joined by Arsenio Nicos da Silva. He had fled first to his estates in the interior of Madeira, where he thought he‘might be safe. But he became convinced that there was no safety for him on the island, so he determined to flee to Lisbon. When he returned to Funchal, he was unable to go to his own home but lay hidden else where according to arrangements made by his family, who did not agree with his religious views. His wife supplied him with money for his flight to Lisbon. He had hoped that his family, whom had not been able to see him in Funchal, might rejoin him-in Lisbon; but even there he was not safe and thought of going to Oporto. But he received letters from both the Madeirenses at Trinidad and Dr. Kalley, urging him to go and labor in that field. The missionary board of the Free Church of Scotland at the same time offering to sustain him there, he at once sailed for Trinidad. There he was ordained by the local Presbyterian ministers and eagerly accepted as their pastor by the Portuguese exiles. This was April, 1847, at Port of Spain. I

At the beginning of the year, Hewitson had sailed for Trinidad, arriving toward the end of January. At that time, there were about 450 exiles in Trinidad. Including children, there were 300 converts in Port of Spain and its vicinity, of whom 85 were members of the church. Three of the seven elders and four of the nine deacons had come to Madeira and had regularly conducted meetings for worship. About 30 persons had applied for admission to the church. Since August there had been a succession of flights from Madeira. By March, 1847, it was thought that an expected company of 100 would be the last; but upward of 250 more arrived.

Hewitson thus describes the material condition of the exiles: on their arrival, a considerable‘number of them were engaged by planters to labor on sugar estates. Some of these were placed on an estate situated in the neighborhood of marshy ground, and, as might be expected, were soon prostrated by an attack of fever, which in several instances, terminated in death. A speedy removal of all who survived from the pestilential neighborhood, in which they had been so unhappin located, to the more salubrious air of the capital, was found to be necessary. The removal took, I believe, in consequence of an order from the governor of the island-and I have great pleasure in taking this opportunity of bearing testimony to the kind exertion which his excellency, Lord Harris, was always ready to make on behalf of our refiigees. Those who were employed on sugar plantations in more salubrious localities than the one above referred to, were enabled to continue their labors without experiencing so much injury of bodily health; but they, too, were occasionally disabled by an attack of dysentery of intermittent fever; ophthalmia likewise prevailed amongst them. I have no hesitation in saying, that the result of the experiment, which of necessity, constrained them to make, has been unfavorable to the hope that they will be equal to~ the hardships connected with cane cultivation in Trinidad, until a lengthened residence in the island has inured them to the scorching heat and drenching rains. When I arrived, I found only about individuals (including children) who were supported by the labors of cane cultivation, and of these only about sixteen were actually, or in condition to be, employed in these labors. Others obtained employment on coca plantations; and, as their labor is chiefly under the shade of trees thickly planted, they are saved from the dangerous effects of protracted exposure to the rays of a vertical sum. One disadvantage of their situation arises from the humidity of the atmosphere, which, in not a few instances, has occasioned intermittent fever, or ague.

The greater proportion of the exiled brethren have found occupation in the capital of the island, Port of Spain, or its vicinity. Not a few of them are distributed in domestic service among the families resident there. Some are occupied in gardening and similar labor. A few have commenced shopkeeping on a small scale, being unable to gain a livelihood by any other means. While those of them who are masons, carpenters, and shoemakers, are endeavon'ng, in their respective departments of labor, to earn a livelihood. The female converts, who, in Madeira, were able to support themselves by needle work, are still dependent on the same means of support, but their earnings are comparatively small and precarious. While some of the brethren are, by the goodness of God, in comfortable enough circumstances, not a few have such difficulties to struggle with as tend at once to keep them hanging in daily dependence on the Lord, and to give permanency to the impression-the persuasion in their minds, "that tis not the rest."

Thus already it was felt that Trinidad could not be their permanent abiding place. Their economic situation was not encouraging, and Hewitson found the spiritual atmosphere unpropitious. When Hewitson returned to Scotland, he left da Silva as pastor of the church; and it was under his leadership that plans were laid for the new migration.

Reports of the persecution and exile of the Madeirenses had received wide publicity in the religious press and came to the attention of the American Protestant Society, which had its headquarters in New York. This society already had a missionary, M.G. Gonsalves, born in Madeira, at work among the Portuguese who had settled along the New England coast to the number of 5,000 or 6,000. In the winter of 1847-1848, the society sent Gonsalves to Trinidad to investigate the situation of the exiles. On his return, Gonsalves brought a letter from da Silva, of which the following are the most significant passages:

"Finding myself constituted the pastor (though unworthy of so great a trust) of a church of nearly six hundred persons, it is not only my duty to feed them with spiritual aliment, but also to seek prayerfully for their temporal good; endeavoring to keep them together in the faith and enjoyment of their daily bread.

And that they may be able to hear the Word of God with profit on the days appointed, I do not see here the prospect of keeping this distress, as their labors are paid as they should be; for in this sickly climate, when the husband and father is taken to the hospital the wife and children are left destitute, and not being able to pay the household rent, they are turned into the streets, to beg from door to door. This state of things led me to solicit of the governor of this island (Lord Harris), a portion of land to be divided amongst the Portuguese, that they might on the same build their cabins, provided they could receive some aid in advance, to be paid by them in the course of time. But although the governor is friendly to us, yet, in his official capacity he said he could not comply with our request. I have also written on this subject to the Rev. Hewitson, of Scotland, who answered that we should find it difficult to obtain lands for families in these islands. And finally, in the midst of these efforts, the bank of West Indies failed, and sugar came down in price and business was prostrated to the ruin of many households. Government works were stopped, and laborers can find little or nothing to do. And worse of all, our children, whose morals should be preserved at every expense, are mixed with a low, profane, wretched Roman Catholic population. I have consulted also the Rev. Messrs. Banks, Kerr, Black and Berry, on a visit from the United States to this island. I said to these brethren that I believed God would in his way prepare a place for his people in some country where I might retire with the whole church, and that he would open the hearts of the faithful that they might bestow upon us the requisite aid. These gentlemen thought the United States of America oEered advantages greater than any other country for a Bible reading, spiritual, virtuous, industrious people. I have also written to the fiiends of Christ in Scotland, that they might still feel for this people, who must receive immediate aid, or many of them will perish with misery. I do not ask for money, but for lands. I ask what God has given to man, that he might earn his bread by the sweat of his brow. Our people are mechanics and farmers, virtuous and industrious; they will soon thrive with the blessing of God and the labor of their hands. They will soon rejoice in abundance, for they hate vice and love virtue. All these things I have made known to the Rev. Gonsalves, and he, seeing the desire of all the Portuguese to depart for the United States, for they were ready to fly, offered to take with him a small number, believing that the excellent American Protestant Society and the Christian community would assist them with all the aid in their power. But, on the whole, I thought we should wait until we should receive advice from the America Protestant Society and the Friends in Scotland, who, under God, have granted us so many blessings, and to whom we feel greatly indebted."

One of the ministers at Trinidad wrote in September: "If in God's all wise providence, the believing Portuguese sojourning among us, are to be removed to your country, Mr. daSilva wishes that they should be located near each other, so that they could worship together, and have the great advantage of suitable schools for their children."

In October, 1848, da Silva wrote to the colonial committee of the Free Church of Scotland as follows: "The sufferings in which this church is at present involved arise from the decaying state of this island. With difiiculty do the people at all find labor so as to be able to support themselves and their families, and to pay the rent of their houses, which are always exceedingly high. In circumstances of extreme necessity, those of them who sicken, die as much in consequence of want as of the severity of their disease. Their little children are almost naked, and have only rags to sleep on. Such of them as are of age to be sent to school, are, as a matter of sheer necessity, put to service for food and clothing. And what is that they learn?

Everything that is opposite to the doctrine of the gospel; and consequently the children who should grow up to take the place of their believing parents in love to the Lord, are like seed corn that is completely lost.

About forty Portuguese have already gone to the Untied States. I was greatly grieved on account of it, as it would have been much better not to separate them from their brethren, but to wait with Christian patience till your resolutions on the subject were ascertained. Many of these have written to their Christian brethren, telling them that they had been kindly received by the Society, and that it had given them a house to live in till the arrival of the whole church from Trinidad; when they might join it and to the place that should be fixed for their settlement.

If you, then, shall approve and aid in the removal of this church to a country which offers it a hospitable welcome, we may expect that your approval of the step may not be unaccompanied with the blessing of the Lord."

Meanwhile, however, the exertions and hardships of da Silva had seriously impaired his health. His physician advised a visit to a more northern climate. Accordingly, he came to the United States, arriving at New York about the first of December, 1848‘ For the first two weeks his condition improved; then came a change for the worse, and he sank rapidly, dying January 10, 1849. His funeral was conducted at the Reformed Dutch Church at the comer of Fourth Street and Lafayette Place, and he is buried in its vaults.

Early in 1849, arrangements were made with the Anierican Hemp Company for the settlement of the exiles in Illinois. The place selected was on the Meredosia and Springfield Railroad, at Island Grove, about midway between Springfield and Jacksonville. By these arrangements the American Hemp Company, which is composed of gentlemen at the west and in this city, New York, is to give both the Portuguese, who are here, and also those who are in Trinidad, immediate employment and good wages on their arrival there. They are also to furnish them with houses and everything necessary for their comfort for one year without charge. Besides this, the company have engaged to give every family of the colony (in all one hundred and thirty one families) ten acres of land in free and The letter further proposed that those in the West Indies should follow these, with the expectation of being located in Jacksonville and its immediate neighborhoods, or at farthest in the three places, Jacksonville, Springfield, and Waverly, (the later situated eight miles south of the railroad on which the two former lie, and about equal distance from each other), where "there can be no doubt that all of them could find the means of living with comfort the rewards of their industry."

This letter was laid before the Board of Directors of the American and Foreign Christian Union, and, carefiil deliberation, it was resolved to send our Portuguese brethren to Jacksonville with the least possible delay. Everything was arranged, and the day was appointed for their departure. Their passage was engaged on the Western route, over the lakes to Chicago, and thence through the canal and down the Illinois river to Jacksonville. But before the day anived sickness and cholera had commenced among them. Again were we disappointed and our plans deranged.

Indeed, the time was unproptious for their arrival in their new home. Their fi'iends in Illinois first sent a telegram advising that their departure be delayed, and then despatched the following letter:

Illinois College, July 10, l849-Rev. Herman Norton, Cor. Sec. Christian Union-"Dear

Sir; There are two reasons why we think the journey should not be taken; there is so much pestilence all along the great thoroughfares, the east to the west, that the

journey cannot be performed by such a number of persons without much danger. This village is thus far unafiemed by the pestilence, but there is great sensitiveness about the propagation of the disease by infection from Cholera patients.

The committee are of the opinion that these apprehensions are excessive, but they are real, and would be likely to stand in the way of that kindness and hospitality which would otherwise be extended to these persecuted disciples. We think therefore, that they constitute a good reason for delaying the journey for the present. In all other respects, the facts remain the same as at the time of my other communications. We have reason to believe that neither in respect to interest in these exiles, as sufi‘erers for the testimony of Jesus, nor in the facility of affording them employment and the means to a livelihood, will there be any disappointment.

Judging from our experience in the prevalence of Cholera during its former visit, we entertain the hopes that our thoroughfares will be safe for the journey in a few weeks from this time; still this scourge is in God's hand, and he alone knoweth the limits of ravages. We are fearful these Refiigees may be greatly exposed to it in your city, and yet, with the care and skill which can be brought to their aid there, we must think they will be safer than on board canal boats and steamers on either of the great thoroughfares. May God in his good time appear for all his persecuted ones. Yours in the Gospel, J. M. Sturtevant"

As the summer progressed, the embarrassment of the society increased, On July 19, another party of the exiles arrived at New York, bringing word that about August 1 one hundred and fifty more might be expected. No information having reached Gonsalves at Trinidad of the failure of the arrangement with the American Hemp Company, some 450 in number, were expecting to embark for the United States as fast as arrangements could be made for their passage. The following letter appears to have been brought by this group of exiles:

Trinidad, Port of Spain July 13, 1849 Rev. Herman Norton and Mortimer DeMottte, Esqr "My Dear Sirs: By the bark, Henry Trowbridge, Capt. Frisby, I send to your care 74 of the exiles of Madeira. Another bark and brig will sail in a few days with 76 and 74 more exiles. As the condition of the people is so heartrending, they are all anxious to go to America, but not knowing how much funds you have received for the exiles, I dare not venture any more at present, though my heart aches for them. They are a devoted, pious and patient people. The people on this island are very angry because the Portuguese are going to America. They think the British government ought to have given them lands on this island and not a good people to go to any other country. This poor people have sold furniture and made every sacrifice, so great is their desire to reach American soil, and unite their prayers and tears with their brethren already in America's favored land. I know that in this emergency I have gone beyond my limits; no other motives but heart yearning compassion has led me to take a step for which I may be blamed; but I will sufier all things cheerfiilly for the sake of God’s poor persecuted of the Nineteenth Century."

Yours in the best bonds, M. J. Gonsalves

The news aroused great concern in the West. "The situation of these exiles," said the 'Illinois Journal' after quoting an account of this partly in New York, for the sympathies of all. The failure to the plan by which they were to be colonized must be extremely embarrassing to them, and unless promptly relieved will result in great distress. We suppose that the society at New York has means to send these emigrants to the counties of Sangamon and Morgan. Now, we take upon ourselves to say, that two good men, in two weeks time, can find situations for these exiles, able to support themselves by labor-as people here all have to labor-in these two counties. Hundreds of them can have situations secured in families in the towns of Jacksonville and Springfield. This may not be as pleasant to them, in the idea, as a location of their own exclusively; but in our opinion it is more plausible to these citizens. They would thus learn our manners, our habits (we hope our good ones), and our way of doing business of all kinds-and become useful to themselves, and in time amalgamated with us. We recommend this matter to those who have seemed to have some connection with it, and especially to Rev. Albert Hale..."

A few days later, the "Illinois Journal" published the following letter and comment:

"Mr. Erastus Wright, Dear Sir: By request of the Society whose Secretary I am, I address you a few inquiries respecting the Portuguese Exiles, now under our care. We have now in this city and on Staten Island 470 of these exiles, natives of Madeira, who have lost all their property and were obliged to flee from their country...The majority of them are farmers, some are mechanics, and others were merchants. None were so poor as to be dependent. Some were persons of great wealth. Now all are equally destitute. They are an excellent industrious class of people. The citizens of Jacksonville have requested us to send 100 of them there. They will take them with their families, give the mechanics employment in the village and the farmers, on the farms in the vicinity, so that all may assemble at Jacksonville on the Sabbath. It has been suggested to us that the citizens of Springfield might be willing to take a company of these exiles. My object in writing is to ascertain their desire on this subject. Your name is given to us as the proper person to address. Can you inform us in this matter? Can you tell us whether any and how many could be provided for this fall and winter in Springfield, whether they can be employed and how? Only a few of them can speak the English language. Will you please inform us as soon as convenient, as winter is coming on, and we are very anxious to secure them a comfortable

home. It is their desire, if the way should be opened, to eventually settle together as a colony on the new lands. But this cannot be done immediately."

Truly yours,

Herman Norton

"We commend the above letter to the attention of our citizens," commented the "Illinois Journal". "The labor of these exiles is much wanted, and we now feel on this subject as we have ever done, that if pains should be taken, places for 100 or more can readily be obtained.

They will not understand our manner of doing work, and it will take them some time to learn our ways. We do not suppose they will expect wages until they can become useful. Farmers would find the men of great service. They could also be of service in town-those not mechanics-in gardens, sawing wood, and doing the thousand jobs required by families.

Besides, in assisting these people we should perform a praise-worthy act, as pleasant to those who confer, as it would be gratefill to those who would receive benefit.

We hope the Rev. Mr. Hale, Jas. L. Lamb, Erastus Wright, J.A. Barrett, and Elijah Iles will consent to act as a committee to receive communications, applications, etc. on this /subject from our citizens; and also correspond with the Rev. Herman Norton, of New

York, on this subject."

While these exertions were being put forth in the West, the Society was striving to cope with the situation in New York. Three vessels arrived from Trinidad, bringing the total number of refugees to nearly 500. They were all destitute of money and of clothing suitable for our climate. The Society was obliged to fumish them with daily bread-with medicines, and to obtain for them a large supply of clothing...A brief and simple statement of the facts was spread out before the community...The response to this simple appeal was so prompt and liberal that within a few weeks we were constrained to publish that all wants of the Portuguese, as regards clothing, were all supplied.

As soon as the Cholera was abated, arrangements were made for their journey; and on October 19, 1849, the first detachment of 280 left New York on the steamer, "Isaac Newton." They intended to spend their first Sabbath in Albany, the second in Buffalo, and the third in Chicago. At all these cities, and at Detroit, public meetings were held and liberal contributions made toward their expenses. Everywhere they were received with the most cordial hospitality. From Buffalo to Chicago, they traveled on the steamer, "Keystone," one of the largest and most elegant steamers on the lake. They were accompanied throughout the journey by the Rev. David Lathrop and by the Rev. Dr. Baird as far as Albany. The Rev. Mr. Sawtell had gone before, to make necessary arrangements for their reception at each stopping place.

Those of the refugees who still remain in the city (New York), about 200 in number, will not be removed until fiirther intelligence is received from Mr. Sawtell, which may not be until the lapse of two or three weeks.

Meanwhile, the "Illinois Journal" was heralding their approach. As early as November 8, it said: "The Portuguese exiles will be here today or tomorrow, Are we ready to receive them? And indeed, on the morrow arrived their advance agent, the Rev. Mr. Sawtell. It was expected that they would arrive Monday or Tuesday by the afternoon train from Jacksonville. Again the "Journal" appealed for welcome and aid. The next evening, Friday, Sawtell gave an address at the Second Presbyterian Church, rehearsing the history of the exiles. On Sunday he preached at the Second Church in the morning and the First Church at night.

On Monday, the Journal published a resume of Sawtell's address of Friday night and reported that the exiles had not yet reached Jacksonville by Saturday night and might not reach Springfield as early as expected by a day or two. A meeting was held that day which adopted the following resolutions: I

"To the People of Springfield and Sangamon County

Resolved, that the citizens of Springfield and the citizens of Sangaomon County generally, be invited to contribute cash, fiimiture, clothing, food, or whatever else may be useful to the Portuguese exiles, and to deposit the same at the shop of BM. Hinkle, nearly opposite the Methodist Church, to be distributed under the direction of the committee. It is expected that these exiles will arrive in this city on Thursday afiemoon, about three o'clock. The committee will express the hope, and the confidence, that the generous and true-hearted citizens of this city and county, will promptly respond to this call, and donate food, clothing, and other necessaries for the destitute Portuguese now temporarily thrown upon the hospitality and generosity of this community. "

By direction of the Committee, Simeon Francis, Chairman, James A. Barrett, Secretary."

Unexpectedly, however, the exiles arrived in Springfield on Tuesday, November 13, 1849. The committee hastily sent out a new appeal to meet the emergency.

"To the ladies of Springfield, and to our fellow citizens generally. The exiles unexpectedly arrived in our city yesterday. Our previous advices led us to suppose that they would not reach the city until Thursday. In consequence of their unexpected arrival, we are required to make an especial appeal to you in their behalf. These exiles are destitute of many things necessary for their comfort. The Committee have procured three or four houses for them, but they are without furniture of any description, except a few chairs, some three tables, three water buckets, two bed Steads and a few cups and saucers, and bedding to a limited extentfor some 130 persons. Everything, therefore required for housekeeping, and which will readily occur to housekeepers and others, is wanted and if they are second hand or considerably worn, they will not be the less acceptable. What is done in this matter we desire to be promptly done. There is scarcely a housekeeper who cannot send something for their benefit. A single chair, a tub, a bucket, and numerous other articles we have not time to name, will be gladly received.

The Committee design to have cooking stoves put up in each house today-after today, therefore, we think it will not be necessary to call upon the ladies of this city, to furnish cooked food for the exiles, to any considerable amount. But food will be hereafter requiredvegetables, flour, meal, meat, tea, coffee, sugar, etc. There are several in ill health, to whom food suitable for persons in their condition will be required.

The Committee reiterates their invitation to the humane and Christian people in the county to assist in this cause. Out of their abundance, they can contribute much for the subsistence and comfort of these people, until more permanent provision can be made for them.

The exiles will be likely to remain together for several days. A number of families will probably continue to live in the houses provided for them during the winter. Applications for labor and for assistance, will be received by the Committee, and will be laid before these Exiles, as soon as it shall seem expedient.

We invite the ladies to call at the houses of these Exiles to learn their wants, and continue their kind offers for their good.

The condition of the exiles during that first winter is suggested by the following letter from Mr. Hale:

"We are much occupied these days in ministering to our brethren, the Portuguese exiles. They arrived here just in time to enter on the severe winter weather, which they now, in common with all of us, have to endure. They are not much accustomed to severe cold weather and as our city was full of people when they arrived, it was well nigh impossible to provide them habitations; to provide comfortable dwellings was out of the question, as everything worthy of the name was already crowded full. But we have done what, under the circumstance, we could, and they are hoping for better times. So far as I know, they are contented and happy. Many of them find employment, at good wages and ready pay. They are highly valued as laborers, and will soon be able to take care of themselves without the aid of others. Indeed, the last thing to be looked for is that such men should long to be a charge to their fellow men. If they maintain their religious principles and their habits of industry, there is but one destiny for them here, and that is plenty-independence

Owing to the destruction of the files of the local newspaper, there appears to be no extent evidence of the measures taken in connection with the arrival of the Portuguese in Jacksonville. We are therefore thrown back upon the action at Springfield. We cannot doubt that Dr. Sturtevant and his associates were equally zealous as their friends in Springfield and probably resorted to much the same means of arousing public interest and caring for the needs of the exiles.

Since the Portuguese had not arrived in Jacksonville by Saturday night, November 10, and the Springfield colony arrived there from Jacksonville on Tuesday, November 13, it would appear that they must have am'ved in Jacksonville either Sunday, November 11 or Monday, November 12, 1849.

About two hundred of the exiles were still in New York. On the of November another company of about one hundred left New York for Illinois. They took the rail road from Albany to Buffalo, then steamboat to Detroit, and again rail road to Chicago. They were to remain there until fiiture arrangements could be made for them. This left only a remnant in New York. Some had been prevented from going by sickness or the sickness of some member of their families. To these, their detention was a great disappointment. Others preferred to remain there during the winter, having a prospect of work.

Apparently this group in time joined their friends in Jacksonville and Springfield. From time to time others came from Madeira, 211 in 1851, and 273 in 1853. These later groups were led by Gongalves. Now and then a few more came to either Jacksonville or Springfield.

Antonio de Mattos was one of the original deacons of the church of Madeirenses. He fled to Scotland in 1846, where he became qualified for preaching the gospel. He was ordained to come to this country and take the place of Mr. da Silva, as the pastor of the scattered

He paid a short visit to his father's family on Madeira. He saw forty of the converts in the chief city. He met them one by one, conversed and prayed with them, for it was not thought prudent to hold public meetings...He remained until notice was posted on the door, that he must leave the island or suffer death.

He then visited Trinidad on his way to this country. There he found more than four hundred exiles, many of them had come from other shores to enjoy the protection offered them by the British government

De Mattos came on to Jacksonville, and on March 15, 1850, reorganized the church of the Madeirenses, which until 1856 remained under the jurisdiction of the Free Church of Scotland. To trace further the vicissitudes of this church would transcend the limits of this study.

So the Portuguese exiles at last found a new home and freedom of conscience. Their story, however, does not end here. While not so romantic as the tale of their persecution and wanderings, their fortunes in their new home are not lacking in interest and are possibly of even greater historical significance. Unfortunately, though, they are much harder to trace in any form on which the historian can rely. Yet enough scattered bits of evidence might be brought together to afford the basis of a narrative. Perhaps at no distant date this journal will publish such an account of the of the later fortunes of the exiles of Madeira.--Reprinted by permission of the Illinois State Historical Society.

Preface. . .

An explanation of the Portuguese names seems necessary as they become quite confusing. The families inter-married (never first cousins). The mother's last name was always used for their daughters and did not change when they married. The sons names were always the father's surname. Sometimes, both the father's and mother's last names were used. Then to make things even more confiising they used the same first names over and over with no designations by the use of Jr.'s or Sr.'s. Later, in the United States, they changed their names again-eg. Freitas became Fratas, Ferreira became Smith, Baptista became Baptist, and Correia became Correa of Coroar, etc. Also, in some families, they gave their children the same first names- which I believe means the first child born with the name

died and then the name is used again for a child born later. Anyway, the names are confusing.

As you will see as you read through this history, there is a lot of information to be added, but who knows when or if I'll ever find it all. The birth and baptismal records of many of the converts were destroyed during and the persecutions. And the graves are changed every 15 years, so there are no cemetery tombstones for our ancestors There are many unanswered questions, such as why the Ferreira name stayed in the family through so many generations, did the Lomelino's originally come from Portugal or Italy-I've been told by several historians that Lomelino is an Italian name, and how are we related to the Baptista family, who can be traced back to Tristao, the discoverer of the island of Madeira. Maybe, I'll never know!

For reference sake, I'm referring to the grandparents as my grandparents-so my Aunts and Uncles would subtract a great for their grandparents and my children and grandchildren would be adding greats. It would be the same for my cousins, brothers, and sister.

Following are some stories of some of our ancestors who were especially targeted and received harsh treatment by the persecutors:

Manuel Ferreira Lomelino, cousin to great, great grandfather, Joseph, was Deputy of Police in Santo Serra. He was ordered not to be present at Dr. Kalley's meetings. He was arrested, charged with insubordination, tried and acquitted on the grounds that his wife was ill and that he had been at Dr. Kalley's seeking medicine for his wife.

Nicolau Tolentino Vieira, who was Godfather to Joao Lomelino, cousin of great, great grandfather, Joseph, and brother-in-law to Manuel Lomelino, another of his cousins, who was married to Leocadia do Espirito Santo, the daughter of Jose Vieira and Antonia Espirito Santo. Anyway, he was a teacher and, if you remember from the History of the Persecutions, he was one of two who asked to partake of communion at the Scottish Church and caused quite a stir His students and family were arrested and later acquitted. He fled to the mountains. Later, he and his family were reunited and fled to Trinidad, the United States and eventually Jacksonville, Illinois.

Joaquim Ferreira Lomelino, cousin to great, great grandfather, Joseph, was one of the wealthier landowners on the island. He was arrested and imprisoned for 22 months and sentenced to death. He appealed and was acquitted but spent another 8 months in prison before being released. He then left for Trinidad. There is quite a story about him in the book, "Persecutions at Madeira" by Rev. Herman Norton.